Why do some societies manage to control corruption so that it manifests itself only occasionally, while other societies remain systemically corrupt? This book is about how societies reach that point when integrity becomes the norm and corruption the exception in regard to how public affairs are run and public resources are allocated. It primarily asks what lessons we have learned from historical and contemporary experiences in developing corruption control, which can aid policy-makers and civil societies in steering and expediting this process. Few states now remain without either an anticorruption agency or an Ombudsman, yet no statistical evidence can be found that they actually induce progress. Using both historical and contemporary studies and easy to understand statistics, Alina Mungiu-Pippidi looks at how to diagnose, measure and change governance so that those entrusted with power and authority manage to defend public resources.
“Alina Mungiu-Pippidi takes up the challenge from where renowned authors Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson had left it in “Why Nations Fail”. If the difference in economic performance is accounted for by governance, what explains why so few countries engage on the path of open and inclusive government versus one limiting access and spoiling its subjects? She argues that corruption starts historically being the norm before being the exception, and that in over eighty electoral democracies of the present spoiling of public resources by ruling elites has become the rule of the game and the number one collective action problem.” — European Research Center for Anti-Corruption and State-building
“Corruption is a major factor impeding economic development and growth, good governance and the rule of law. Efforts to illuminate or at least greatly reduce it have not enjoyed limited success. We need a better understanding of what facilitates it and what discourages it. “The Quest for Good Governance” (Cambridge University Press) by Alina Mungiu-Pippidi, uniquely attempts to pull together and link research and experience across disciplines, historical timeframes and geographic boundaries in the search for answers to these questions. It distills current understanding of some of the key lessons we have and have not learned over the last two decades in the global anti-corruption and democratization arena.” — Cayman Financial Review
“The Quest for Good Governance combines sophisticated conceptual discussion (for example, of the varying definitions of corruption and their consequences) with a historical perspective and a critical statistical analysis of various databases. It is a good example of a multi-method approach to a huge and complex problem” — International Review of Administrative Sciences
The End of Government examines how bureaucracy can be updated to deal with the quickly evolving demands of the twenty first century, and also uses real-world examples to help us understand how new alternatives can best be applied.
The world is blowing up. Every day a new blaze seems to ignite: the bloody implosion of Iraq and Syria, the East-West standoff in Ukraine; abducted schoolgirls in northern Nigeria. Is there some thread tying these frightening international security crises together? In a riveting account that weaves history with fast-moving reportage
The United States has repeatedly asserted its right to intervene militarily against failed states around the globe. In this much-anticipated follow-up to his international bestseller Hegemony or Survival, Noam Chomsky turns the tables, showing how the United States itself shares features with other failed states-suffering from a severe democratic deficit, eschewing
Soft power is much cheaper than the hard power of military force. All too often, military force seems to fail as an instrument of policy and, as a consequence, it invites the view that it is becoming obsolescent and even anachronistic. Dr. Colin Gray subjects hard and soft power to close
At the Harvard University John F. Kennedy School of Government, students are taught to ask Question “Zero” when considering a new policy, issue or initiative. Question “Zero” is, “What are we trying to accomplish?” What, then, is Servant Governing written to accomplish? The simple answer is that there is a way
What we believe about government—that we don’t make widgets, that we don’t have customers, and that we’re not here to make a profit—all feed the bigger myth: that we’re different. We Don’t Make Widgets explodes the myths that prevent dramatic improvement in government operations. The aim of this book is to
There is remarkable consistency across attitudes: low trust in government goes with high perception of corruption among officials, a general perception that the law does not treat everyone equally and that favoritism rather than merit explains social advancement.
The development of corruption control comes only after social control is achieved and violence preserved within certain boundaries.
European control of corruption can be regarded as almost the only historically successful process of state building in which a long transition to ethical universalism has resulted in an equilibrium where opportunities for corruption are largely checked by societal control of rulers and reasonable reciprocal control by the government.
What is ultimately needed is not a nonexistent silver bullet, but rather a better alignment of tools with contexts, in particular with already existing human agency in favor of change.
If modernity is the quintessence of good governance with its build-up of a critical mass of enlightened citizens, accountable politicians, and trustworthy magistrates, public corruption emerges as a catchword for the lack of the institutionalization of a market economy and democracy in transition societies.
Corruption at the individual level has been attributed, as have other criminal activities, to individuals’ weighting of the expected costs and benefits of their actions in a given context and making their decisions on how to act “not because their basic motivation differs from other persons, but because their benefits and costs differ.”
When costs are low and opportunities are high, it is rational for individuals to be corrupt; especially, if those around them behave similarly.